It's got 20 keys, hot-swappable, and individually addressable RGB.

And for an FOSS printable one, https://github.com/Dwin17/bento

Comments URL: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=48900120

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This is unnecessarily reductive; if we reduce all action enough we can justify anything as simply continuous 1 centimeter movement; e.g. grand theft would be innocently grasping an object in a store, and then a series of 1 centimeter movements which you could independently justify as "freedom to move."

We understand complex actions to have complex consequences, and the aggregation of vehicular data is itself a search, which by our laws requires a warrant. Jurisprudence evaluates the totality of an act and its consequences.

> The state will take for itself power that the people have but do not wield.

The Framers of the Constitution would understand this idea as tyranny.

Comments URL: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=48845835

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Let me quote myself on this:

> As Justice Sotomayor noted in United States v. Jones, logging a vehicle's public movements "reflects a wealth of detail about her familial, political, professional, religious, and sexual associations." An action revealing all this is ipso facto a search.

> I'm not in love with the encroaching mass surveillance society but in terms of privacy in public there is little in the US by right.

Suggesting that a citizen possesses "little privacy in public by right" is to stand the American constitutional order squarely on its head. You have a very Eurocentric understanding of rights, as if they're concessions by the king/government to the people. We do things the opposite way.

The enumeration of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people (Ninth Amendment). Further, the Tenth Amendment explicitly reserves powers not delegated to the government to the states or to the people. What's your proposed basis, historic or constitutionally, granting the state the power to aggregate people's location history? The burden does not fall on the citizen to produce a right not to be monitored; it rests entirely on the state to demonstrate the authority to monitor.

You are focusing exclusively on Justice Scalia's opinion. Five other Justices provided two separate concurrences in that same case, including Alito's:

  society’s expectation has been that law enforcement agents and others would not—and indeed, in the main, simply could not—secretly monitor and catalogue every single movement of an individual’s car for a very long period.

Your understanding of privacy misapplies the plain view doctrine. Plain view allows the state to seize evidence provided that the officer seizing the evidence has a lawful right to access or observe the seized object. (Collins v. Virginia)

An officer glancing through a car window is performing a constitutional act.

However, were the state to compile a history of your car's location, which it does, that exposes your "familial, political, professional, religious, and sexual associations." (Jones) This compilation of data is an action legally defined as a search, since it turns up data NOT readily available in plain view. And this search takes place without warrant.

Comments URL: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=48823803

Points: 45

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The Framers of the Constitution drafted the Fourth Amendment in direct response to these abusive general warrants, protecting against the exact kind of arbitrary power that placed "the liberty of every man in the hands of every petty officer." (John Adams)

Moreso, Adams maintains:

  Writs in their nature are temporary things. When the purposes for which they are issued are answered, they exist no more; but these live forever; no one can be called to account...

  But these prove no more than what I before observed, that special writs may be granted on oath and probable suspicion. The act of 7 and 8 William III that the officers of the plantations shall have the same powers, etc., is confined to this sense; that an officer should show probable ground; should take his oath of it; should do this before a magistrate; and that such magistrate, if he think proper, should issue a special warrant to a constable to search the places.

You conflate the generally unremarkable act of taking a picture of a single car in public with the indiscriminate collection of photos of all vehicles. The former is a constitutional, isolated observation. The latter is a search, since in toto it reveals personal information.

> If the police don't have the expertise to maintain such a network can they pay a third party to do so?

May the police pay a third party to execute warrantless searches?

If we accept your premise that the government can spy on you simply because an activity is regulated, then the Fourth Amendment is effectively dead. Under that logic, the state could mandate interior cameras in every heavily regulated business, or search the backpack of every passenger using public transit without a warrant.

You have a reasonable expectation of privacy for the contents of your trunk, your backpack, and your travel history. The police cannot search your trunk without a warrant just because you are driving on public roads. They should not be able to search your travel history either.

According to Carpenter:

  A person does not surrender all Fourth Amendment protection by venturing into the public sphere. To the contrary, 'what [a person] seeks to preserve as private, even in an area accessible to the public, may be constitutionally protected.'

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Points: 174

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